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Languages commonly make use of action verbs that apparently describe an element of the dance: e. On the subject of the origin of the technical aspects of the dance—which is typified by rapid trembling motions of the wrists and fingers, periodically expanding to include the shoulders and forearms, as well as neck and shoulder-sliding—is self-evidently a member of the broader Iranian dance systems that have existed among the autochthonous Iranian population of Central Asia for millennia.

Movements are diverse and energetic, with the performer sometimes miming lyrical themes such as a heartbeat, or rays emanating from a sun. The costume worn by women lazgi performers consists of colorful, slender dresses adorned with coins or sequins, a round headdress ornamented with bands of coins and a large white feather, with the hair tied in multiple long braids per classical Iranian styles.

Men who occasionally appear as embellishment wear heavy, bulky sheepskin caps chugirma and cotton caftans. The surviving lyrics of the dance were clearly prescribed by Persian-speaking musicians who either used Persian as a mother tongue or more likely, possessed a masterful command of the literary Persian language due to its historical prominence in Khorezm and Transoxiana as the medium of artists, literati and urban elites.

The latter scenario is most probable in a Persianate society such as Khorezm, where in contrast to the oases of Bukhara, Samarqand, the Ferghana valley where Tajiks have always formed a majority, Khorezm never had a sizable Tajik population. I am a serf, a serf; I am miserable, dejected; I am loveless. I am a captive, a captive. This suggests the lyrics were at least in part originally intended to be purely Persian.

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This is consistent with the role of Persian as the prestige language associated with sedentary refinement in Khorezm and Transoxiana for over a millennium. It is possible that through progressive generational acquisitions of the repertoire and as Persian gradually lost currency in the region in favor of Russian, perhaps the foundation of the lyrics was Turkified to improve intelligibility, while much of the vivid Persian imagery was fossilized.

Contrarily, the original lyricists may have composed the lazgi in heavily Persianized Turkic—writing the introductory exclamations in pure Persian— a phenomenon which is consistent with the sociolinguistic prestige of Persian in Central Asia and the fact that musical modes and instruments including the surnay used in lazgi were adopted wholesale by Turkic nomads from the indigenous Iranian-speaking population in the process of their sedentarization in the region.

Notably, words of Arabic origin have been borrowed indirectly through the milieu of Persian— because they were considered to be Persian—and thus reflect Persian semantic and phonological modifications to the original Arabic lexica. This phenomenon was true in all Muslim territories in Western Asia, where almost uniformly Arabic was confined to the religious sphere while Persian was the favored medium for poetry, literature, fine arts, diplomacy and administration.

Most interestingly, the meanings of the majority of these words are quite unintelligible to modern Turkic Khorezmian speakers, but their preservation suggests the retained social currency of Persianisms in the minds of ordinary people. Moreover, since a number of these Persianisms have not been incorporated into the Khorezmian vernacular and remain unintelligible to the audience, it is remarkable that such a large cache of foreign words should be selectively preserved.